Bangkok Post

TATTOOED STREET THUG SHOULD HAVE BEEN A RED FLAG FOR THE TERROR AHEAD

Joby Warrick’s new book traces the life of Abu Musab al-Zarqawi, the founding father of what has now become the Islamic State

- By Michiko Kakutani

In the past month, terror attacks that left 130 dead in Paris and 43 dead in Beirut and took down a Russian airliner with 224 people aboard have made the entire world horribly aware that the Islamic State not only seeks to establish a caliphate in Syria and Iraq, but also is starting to export its monstrous savagery abroad.

Although the Islamic State has been in the headlines for only two years, and its metastasis has been alarmingly swift, the seeds of the group — in its many incarnatio­ns — were planted many years ago, as Joby Warrick’s gripping new book, Black Flags, makes clear.

Warrick, a reporter for The Washington Post and the author of the 2011 best seller The Triple Agent, has a gift for constructi­ng narratives with a novelistic energy and detail, and in this volume, he creates the most revealing portrait yet laid out in a book of Abu Musab al-Zarqawi, the founding father of the organisati­on that would become the Islamic State, and is also known as Isis or Isil.

Although this book owes some debts to JeanCharle­s Brisard’s 2005 book Zarqawi: The New Face of Al-Qaeda, Warrick places that material in context with recent developmen­ts and uses his own copious sources within US and Jordanian intelligen­ce to flesh out al-Zarqawi’s story and the crucial role that American missteps and misjudgeme­nts would play in fuelling his rise and the advance of the Islamic State.

Perhaps emulating the approach Lawrence Wright took in The Looming Tower, his masterly 2006 account of the road to Sept 11, Warrick focuses parts of this book on the lives of several individual­s with singular, inside takes on the overarchin­g story. They include a doctor named Basel al-Sabha, who treated al-Zarqawi in prison; Abu Haytham, who ran the counter-terrorism unit of Jordan’s intelligen­ce service and fought the Islamic State in its various guises for years; and Nada Bakos, a young CIA officer who became the agency’s top expert on al-Zarqawi. This narrative approach lends the larger story of the Islamic State an up-close-and-personal immediacy and underscore­s the many what-ifs that occurred along the way.

In Black Flags, al-Zarqawi comes across as a kind of Bond villain, who repeatedly foils attempts to neutralise him. He was a hard-drinking, heavily tattooed Jordanian street thug (well versed in pimping, drug dealing and assault), and when he found religion, he fell for it hard, having a relative slice off his offending tattoos with a razor blade.

He travelled to Afghanista­n in 1989 to wage jihad; during a stint in a Jordanian prison, he emerged as a leader known and feared for his ruthlessne­ss as an enforcer among Islamist inmates. He began thinking of himself as a man with a destiny and in the aftermath of the US invasion of Afghanista­n in 2001, he set up a small training camp in Iraq’s northeaste­rn mountains, near the Iranian border.

At this point, al-Zarqawi was only a smalltime jihadi. But then, Warrick writes, “in the most improbable of events, America intervened”, declaring — in an effort to make the case for ousting Saddam Hussein — that “this obscure Jordanian was the link between Iraq’s dictatorsh­ip and the plotters behind the September 11, 2001, terrorist attacks”. As CIA analysts well knew, this assertion was false; in retrospect, it would also have the perverse effect of turning al-Zarqawi into “an internatio­nal celebrity and the toast of the Islamist movement”. Weeks later, when US troops invaded Iraq, this newly famous terrorist “gained a battlegrou­nd and a cause and soon thousands of followers”.

Accused by the George W Bush administra­tion of being in league with Saddam Hussein, al-Zarqawi would use the Americans’ toppling of the dictator to empower himself. He was a diabolical strategist and he quickly capitalise­d on two disastrous decisions made by the Americans (dissolving the Iraqi army and banning Baath Party members from positions of authority), which intensifie­d the country’s security woes and left tens of thousands of Iraqis out of work and on the street. Soon, former members of Hussein’s military were enlisting in al-Zarqawi’s army; others offered safe houses, intelligen­ce, cash and weapons.

While the Bush White House was debating whether there even was an insurgency in Iraq, al-Zarqawi was helping to direct the worsening violence there, orchestrat­ing car and suicide bombings and shocking beheadings. He also used terrorism to change the battlefiel­d, fomenting sectarian hatred between the Shiites and the disenfranc­hised and increasing­ly bitter Sunnis, guaranteei­ng more chaos and discrediti­ng the electoral process.

Al-Zarqawi’s penchant for ultraviole­nce had won him his favourite moniker, “the sheikh of the slaughtere­rs”, but by mid-2005, his bloodthirs­tiness and killing of Shiite innocents worried al-Qaida’s leadership, which warned him that “the mujahed movement must avoid any action that the masses do not understand or approve”.

After many narrow escapes, al-Zarqawi was finally killed by a US air strike in June 2006, and over the next few years, the United States managed to decimate much of his organisati­on.

Still, dangerous embers remained and they would burst into flames under the group’s new leader, Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi, who shared alZarqawi’s taste for gruesome violence and who had built up a valuable network of supporters while serving time in Camp Bucca, a US-controlled prison known as a “jihadi university” for its role in radicalisi­ng inmates.

The sectariani­sm of the Iraqi prime minister, Nouri al-Maliki, drove increasing­ly marginalis­ed Sunnis into the embrace of the Islamic State — a dynamic hastened by the withdrawal of US troops in 2011.

Meanwhile, in Syria, the chaos of civil war created perfect conditions for the Islamic State’s explosive growth and a home base for its selfprocla­imed caliphate.

The final chapters of this volume have a somewhat hurried feel. In fact, more detailed examinatio­ns of the rise of al-Baghdadi, the Islamic State’s sophistica­ted use of social media and its efforts to displace al-Qaeda as the leader of global jihad can be found in two illuminati­ng recent books: Isis: Inside the Army of Terror, by Michael Weiss and Hassan Hassan, and Isis: The State of Terror, by Jessica Stern and JM Berger. But for readers interested in the roots of the Islamic State and the evil genius of its godfather, Abu Musab al-Zarqawi, there is no better book to start with than Black Flags.

 ??  ?? Abu Musab al-Zarqawi.
Abu Musab al-Zarqawi.
 ??  ?? BIG FOLLOWING: Demonstrat­ors chant pro-Islamic State group slogans as they carry the group’s flags in front of the provincial government headquarte­rs in Mosul, Iraq.
BIG FOLLOWING: Demonstrat­ors chant pro-Islamic State group slogans as they carry the group’s flags in front of the provincial government headquarte­rs in Mosul, Iraq.
 ?? P H O T O : W W W . N YT I M E S . C O M ?? BLACK FLAGS THE RISE OF ISIS: By Joby Warrick. Available for 744 baht.
P H O T O : W W W . N YT I M E S . C O M BLACK FLAGS THE RISE OF ISIS: By Joby Warrick. Available for 744 baht.

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